
Duncan Green has a really good set of suggestions for advocacy with 'effective but authoritarian' states. The first five are especially good and worth quoting in full:
1. One party states can be more open to robust evidence than multi-party ones. Disturbing, I know, but these governments often appear more interested in hard evidence than their more democratic counterparts. Petitions and emails won’t do it – you need data, though individual impact stories can work quite well too. Let’s not get too starry-eyed though, there will be areas that are off limits, and you need to know what they are.Numbers three and four are particularly important. Always approach leadership upwind: nothing makes authoritarian Governments angrier than the feeling that they're being ambushed. I would caveat point five by saying that it's exceedingly important to ensure that support to NSAs is transparent; you don't want to give anyone the chance to make accusations of perfidy based on their paranoia. In general, these rules can be extended to 'intransigent' states where leadership is democratically elected but is particularly sensitive to criticism, especially from external actors. Malawi probably fits this bill.2. Research will have more influence if it is done by an organization the government trusts – such as the parastatal Academies of Social Science in Vietnam and China and major Moscow-based universities. In any system, the messenger matters as well as the message, but these governments seem to specifically use such parastatals as channels to gather new knowledge. Such research institutions are also often hungry for connections with external agencies so you’re pushing at an open door.
3. Your political economy analysis had better be good: understanding how decisions are taken in Addis or Moscow is absolutely critical. Personalities, relationships (both personal and professional), the histories, cultures and incentive systems of different leaders or ministries. Until you have a confident grasp of these, your influencing is highly likely to go wrong (always with the risk of backlash).
4. The importance of symbolism, pride and sovereignty. Traditional NGO name-and-shame tactics are as likely to lead to a counter-productive backlash as a breakthrough. Instead, offer things that work. Find the Achilles’ heel that the government recognizes as a weak spot and focus on that. They can be surprisingly grateful for suggestions.
5. Alliances with non-state actors: in terms of citizens, most authoritarian regimes are keenly aware of issues of legitimacy, if not of direct accountability, and acts of citizenship are far from absent even when elections are either not held, or perfunctory. Building alliances with other actors (academics, churches, private sector) is just as important as in more open state systems.
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That applies to the donor's defintion of "authoritarian"--are East Asian economies "authoritarian" in terms of wetern eyes whne they welcome trade and FDI?